Chapter 3

The details of the constitution. Here he goes back in time to get inside the mind of Augustus / Octavian setting up the new state. Lots of political theory, starting with the very first paragraph:

THE obvious definition of a monarchy seems to be that of a state, in which a single person, by whatsoever name he may be distinguished, is entrusted with the execution of the laws, the management of the revenue, and the command of the army. But, unless public liberty is protected by intrepid and vigilant guardians, the authority of so formidable a magistrate will soon degenerate into despotism. The influence of the clergy, in an age of superstition, might be usefully employed to assert the rights of mankind; but so intimate is the connection between the throne and the altar, that the banner of the church has very seldom been seen on the side of the people. A martial nobility and stubborn commons, possessed of arms, tenacious of property, and collected into constitutional assemblies, form the only balance capable of preserving a free constitution against enterprises of an aspiring prince.

On Augustus taking control of the Senate:

The principles of a free constitution are irrevocably lost, when the legislative power is nominated by the executive.

A pithy summary of how it all worked (and I have been to countries where this is still the case):

To resume, in a few words, the system of the Imperial government, as it was instituted by Augustus, and maintained by those princes who understood their own interest and that of the people, it may be defined an absolute monarchy disguised by the forms of a commonwealth. The masters of the Roman world surrounded their throne with darkness, concealed their irresistible strength, and humbly professed themselves the accountable ministers of the senate, whose supreme decrees they dictated and obeyed.

On the limited usefulness of declaring recently deceased emperors to be gods:

Even the character of Caesar or Augustus were far superior to those of the popular deities. But it was the misfortune of the former to live in an enlightened age, and their actions were too faithfully recorded to admit of such a mixture of fable and mystery, as the devotion of the vulgar requires. As soon as their divinity was established by law, it sunk into oblivion, without contributing either to their own fame, or to the dignity of succeeding princes.

On why Antoninus was a good emperor:

His reign is marked by the rare advantage of furnishing very few materials for history; which is, indeed, little more than the register of the crimes, follies, and misfortunes of mankind.

Three other important themes in this chapter, which unfortunately I couldn’t find a pithy phrase to illustrate: 1) the power of the army in backing up the emperors’ power; 2) the importance and urgency of choosing a desigbated successor; 3) a rather unconvincing final passage about the difficulties of fleeing political repression in the Roman Empire (he doesn’t demonstrate that anyone actually cared about their lack of liberty, and totally discounts the neighbouring states where one could take refuge).

One thought on “Chapter 3

  1. I mostly agree with that. Left and right make little difference in UK politics, but tax credits are a dreadful means of redistribution – they just bring the middle earners down to the level of the low earners, while everyone scrabbles for overpriced housing.

    Tax property & capital, that’s the only way out. I certainly won’t weep when Mr Abramovich and the other bank bondholder non-doms suddenly discover they have pressing business overseas.

    The UK is keynesian beyond belief – or at least my belief! But only in the downturn. During the boom profligacy was the guiding light. Result? A structural problem that cannot be fixed unless tax revenue is raised to meet reduced debt liabilities.

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