Rescued from another long-dead blog

Latest pointless exchange on humanities.lit.authors.shakespeare:


Me: So, once again, you decline a direct request for evidence. Why is this not surprising?


Paul Crowley: A discussion with you is invariably like explaining Euclidean geometry to someone who has never seen a right angle and doesn’t know what it could be. No. I take that back. It’s much worse than that. There’s a deliberate obscurantism — a kind of doctrine that nothing can be known unless it’s been written up in a textbook by a professor of whatever-subject-it-may-be — and then, of course, whatever the professor says MUST be true.


Me: All I did was ask what evidence you had to support your views. I didn’t specify that it had to be from a professor; I didn’t specify that it had to be in a textbook. As usual, you couldn’t provide any evidence to support your views. And when I pointed that out, you resorted to abuse.


But you do this routinely — on the most basic dumb-ass topics.


Ask for evidence, you mean? Yes, I do. Your statement was that “given a simple case where we have two texts, saying much the same, demonstrating the influence of one on another, the most probable situation is that the greater influenced the lesser.” This seems to me unlikely – to me, the ostensible dates of the two texts is a much better starting point – but for some odd reason I prefer to have evidence before making my mind up one way or the other. Hence my request whih you were unable to comply with.


This is the second time within a fortnight.


Third, in fact. The first was your assertion that many Stratfordians think “the truly remarkable burst of literary ‘genius’ in Elizabethan England BEFORE Shakespeare (and culminating in him)” can be explained “by saying that the language was passing through such and such a phase (and something much more than a ‘standardisation’)” – but the only person you found to support this statement was Elizabeth Weir, who is not a Stratfordian. I admit that I confused you a bit by asking if you knew of any literary historian who espoused this view of the history of literature, when in fact I just meant if you knew of anyone whose opinion is worth noticing who thought so.


The second was your assertion that Alan Nelson has found “mistakes” where there are none in Oxford’s Latin. If this were the case, it should be dead easy for you to show which of the phrases “de benne esse, quantum in nos est”, “leuare facias”, “fyre facias” and “summum totale”, which Nelson describes as incorrect, are in fact acceptable in 16th century legal Latin.


You make it clear that you are NOT querying my statement.


I don’t see how asking for evidence can be construed in any way other than that I *am* querying your statement.


You imply that you have an open mind on the issue and are merely waiting for more evidence.


Absolutely, which is why I often query statements which contain information which is surprising to me.


Yet then you deny that.


When have I done so? Can you give me any evidence of my doing so? Oh, sorry, asking for evidence again.


You don’t have an open mind, yet you are not prepared to come down in one way or the other. So WHAT IS THE POINT of asking for evidence?


To enable me to come down one way or the other?


It is obviously clear that you DON’T know whether what I say is true or not. And neither do you know how to find out. Yet you cannot admit to either fact.


I hereby admit, Paul, that sometimes I don’t know whether what you say is true or not, though I am always inclined to doubt it. And when I want to find out if what someone says is true or not, my first step is often to ask them to explain themselves better and to tell me what evidence they have. Since you cannot explain yourself and do not supply evidence, I am still inclined to doubt.


Is THIS what a modern Cambridge education does to a human mind? It fills it with empty pomposity. You can never — at any stage — admit to ignorance of anything. Honesty goes out the window. You forget what it is ask ordinary questions. You cease to know what it is to think about anything. (You pass exams simply by regurgitating lecturers’ notes.) You become quite incapable of any learning — and as thick as two short planks.


You have all the qualifications to be a Stratfordian academic.


I don’t know what it is about asking you for evidence that drives you to higher and higher levels of abuse. A more effective debating technique would be to say, “The clearly inferior text A borrowed from the clearly superior B.” Or, “The Stratfordian scholar C argues that the English language was passing through a peculiar phase in the late 16th century.” Or, “Legal document D, dating from the 16th century, spells the word ‘bene’ with two n’s.” But to do this you would need evidence to support your views, and I am increasingly sure that you have none.


Let me tell you how I actually operate this principle, Paul, with a real example from my life last week. For some time I have been closely following negotiations between the European Union and Ruritania (not its real name, but those interested in the region will work it out). On Monday it was announced that an important step in the negotiations had been reached. On Wednesday two mid-ranking EU officials informed me gloomily that on the previous day the President of Ruritania had demanded new concessions from the EU before the latest step could be implemented. This seemed unlikely to me, because I know the President and the political situation there quite well. On the other hand political life is somewhat surprising at times, and these officials had access to the EU’s negotiators, so I could not rule it out. I needed more evidence before making up my mind.


So on Thursday my colleague in Ruritania contacted the President’s office directly, and I myself contacted the Ruritanian ambassador in Brussels, to find out what they thought. Both of these approaches to Ruritanian officials produced a consistent story: that the President had written to the EU making certain suggestions that he felt would be a good idea in the context of implementing the new agreement, but that these were certainly not new preconditions, certainly not rolling back the agreement that had already been reached, and in any case less far-reaching than I had initially been led to believe. On Friday I notified the EU officials that there seems to be a misunderstanding on their side, and hopefully will have played my little part in sorting it out. If on the other hand I had adopted your approach, Paul, and made up my mind one way or the other as soon as I heard the news, it would have been impossible for me to do this.


That is why I ask for evidence: because it usually brings out a fuller picture and helps me understand the context for the original statement. I find your views difficult to understand because I cannot see what evidence you have for them. I admit that I don’t have a particularly deep knowledge of the 16th century, and that is why I often ask questions when statements which contain surprising information are made. When the person asked has no evidence, I have to draw my own conclusions.

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Rescued from another long-dead blog

Father Chris Jenkins has died. I sent this note to Belmont Abbey:


“Fr Chris preached a mean sermon at Cambridge. His annual questioning of the theological credentials of the Cambridge Intercollegiate Christian Union was the most notorious, but his other set-pieces, including his welcome and words of advice for new students, and his challenge to those seeking jobs in the milk round not to devote their lives to salary scales also stay with me. Over beer in the chaplaincy bar, or wine on other occasions, he would be controversial and provocative, but (as Lucy Hartley rightly says) he nurtured diversity of opinion and approach in the Chaplaincy. (Lucy also is right about his tendency to fall asleep during films.) His influence on my own intellectual approach to the Faith was profound; he will be remembered with fondness and respect by many.”


To which I would add that I hope his dislike for the Welsh was a put-on, given that he had just been posted to Dolgellau and died in Gwent. He could be socially disastrous; I remember one awful evening when he came round to my room and completely alienated many of my non-Catholic friends. But my Cambridge world was much more interesting for having him in it, and his farewell dinner as Chaplain in Newnham in June 1988 was an emotional moment for all of us.

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Rescued from another long-dead blog

When the Challenger exploded, I was working at Armagh Observatory during my year off. I’d just come back to my lodgings and found the daughter of the house glued to the TV – “Have you seen that?” she asked, as the news service replyed the fireball over and over.

Yesterday I’d been at a brainstorming seminar organised by Martti Ahtisaari and George Soros on the future of EU policies for the Balkans, around a recent ESI paper. It was a bit odd because I had decided to be smart casual, wearing a new jumper rather than jacket and tie. However apart from Daniel Gros and Stanislav Daskalov, everyone else had taken the formal option. Oddly enough the three of us had collaborated on a paper on trade a few years back…

I had a good seminar, and was able to make points in favour of the excelent Greek Presidency paper, conditionality re ICTY and military reform, a more liberal EU visa regime, and a better outreach program from the EU to the Balkans. A dispute ensued with a German diplomat. Then home through the heavy snow, and turned on the television to find the shuttle story all over the media.

Had to interrupt writing this because Bridget got into the toothpaste and got some in her eyes, poor child…

People ten years or more older than me always remember where they were when they heard that President Kennedy had been shot. The two space shuttle disasters are moments like that for me. Princess Diana’s death a bit less so, because like most people in Europe I was in bed, with my radio still on and tuned to the World Service, which is less dramatic. On Sept 11 2001 I was in a meeting with Branislava Alendar from the Yugoslav mission to the EU; I’d just heard the first tower had been hit before the meeting started, and by the time we were finished they were both down and the Pentagon had been hit too. Oddly enough Branislava was at yesterday’s meeting too. And back in 1981-82 there seemed to be an awful lot of shootings, the Pope, Anwar Sadat, our local MP Robert Bradford, and indeed Ronald Reagan.

Do these seven people deserve having more of a fuss made of their passing than any other seven killed in a transport accident yesterday? Well, yes. I think the Observer’s editorial got it right this morning when it argued that “manned space travel is a cultural achievement, a measure of what we aspire to as a species. If we turn our backs on future missions we will gain nothing and will lose a sense of vision and purpose that the world can ill afford to lose.” It is an important endeavour on a world scale, and it’s more than just a personal disaster for the astronauts and their family, friends and employers.

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My second blog

My second attempt at blogging lasted for a few weeks in February-March 2003, and petered out after the Djindjic assassination. I only really got into my stride whe I set up this blog in May.

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The European Parliament flexes its muscles-in Albania

(This was originally published by EurActiv, now Rapporteur, on 1 July 2002. In February 2025 I requested that it be deleted from the Euractiv site.)

On June 24 the Albanian parliament elected retired general Alfred Moisiu as the country’s new President, ending a period of political uncertainty that had lasted since last year’s disputed parliamentary elections. The European Parliament’s role in resolving Albania’s political difficulties has been more significant than most observers realise.

Last year’s parliamentary elections in Albania were not a completely untroubled event. Voting was originally scheduled for two rounds on 24 June and 8 July 2001, but repeated polls called as a result of electoral disputes lasted until 19 August. The OSCE/ODIHR report on the elections, finally released on 11 October, found serious flaws in the running of the elections and blamed the Socialist Party-led government in particular. However, it concluded that the government had nonetheless won re-election, even if the extent of its victory remained a matter of dispute.

International attention at the time was concentrated on containing the conflict in neighbouring Macedonia, and the preliminary reports from ODIHR after the early stages of the vote had been relatively positive. Because the elections were relatively peaceful compared with previous campaigns, and because the many disputes were sorted out with varying degrees of efficiency and neutrality by the system, most observers concluded that the vote could be considered as a modest success.

In addition, the Prime Minister, Ilir Meta, had an exceptionally good reputation as a reformer in western capitals, and his victory was welcomed as a sign of stability – the only reformist government to have won re-election in the Balkans to date. It seemed entirely credible that Albania’s progress might be recognised in the shape of a Stabilisation and Association Agreement with the European Union; such agreements had already been signed with Macedonia and Croatia.

Once all the counting had finished, the Socialist Party and its coalition allies had won a total of 87 seats of the 140 up for election. The vital factor here was that the President of Albania is elected by the Parliament, and a successful candidate must have the support of 60% of all MPs. The fact that the government coalition had managed to get a few more than 84 out of 140 seats meant that, other things being equal, they could expect to easily impose their own candidate when the election came in June 2002.

The opposition, led by former President Sali Berisha, therefore boycotted the new parliament when it met in September, arguing that any president elected under such circumstances would lack legitimacy because of the tainted nature of the government victory, and demanding fresh elections under new legislation. Berisha claimed further support from the OSCE report when it finally appeared. However it was apparent to Berisha’s supporters that the tactic was not working, and that rather than damaging Prime Minister Meta’s reputation, it was in fact reinforcing the perception that Berisha was unreliable and a sore loser. The OSCE actually called on Berisha to end the boycott.

The gloomy political landscape shifted again toward the end of 2001, when an open dispute broke out between Fatos Nano, the leader of the Socialist Party, and Prime Minister Meta, with each accusing the other’s supporters of corruption and bitter words being exchanged at party and parliamentary meetings. It became apparent that neither faction within the Socialist Party could rely on the full support of the governing coalition, and it suddenly seemed a very real prospect that there might be two Socialist candidates for the position of President, with Berisha – if he were to participate in the parliament – wielding a casting vote.

At this point the European Parliament became an actor in the process. A number of Albanian politicians were invited to participate in a meeting of its Foreign Affairs Committee on 24 January 2002. The event was a stormy one, with MEPs led by rapporteur Doris Pack sharply criticising both sides for their lack of responsibility and political maturity. Sharp divisions were apparent between the Albanians present, with the Minister for European Integration visibly bruised from a physical assault the previous evening. The visitors were told that unless they got their act together there was no chance of further European integration, or of a Stabilisation and Association Agreement.

This meeting was of crucial importance because it brought home to Berisha the extent of the international community’s lack of sympathy for his boycott. He declared on his return to Albania that he would lead the opposition back into parliament; the Foreign Affairs Committee had given him some political cover by endorsing his demand that the government enact the recommendations of the ODIHR report on the elections, enabling him to retreat with some dignity.

By now relations within the Socialist Party had broken down and Meta resigned as Prime Minister on 29 January. His predecessor, Pandeli Majko, who like Meta is in his early 30s, was persuaded to return to his old job and brought in a new government balanced between supporters of Nano and Meta. Nano formally declared himself a candidate for the post of President. Berisha rapidly discovered that he was able to use his supporters in parliament to exploit the differences within the government, on occasion supporting one faction against the other. He was also very aware that if the parliament was unable to elect a President with 60% support, new elections must follow.

At this point the European Parliament again took a hand. During April and May, Doris Pack navigated a resolution through the Foreign Affairs Committee urging the leaders of both government and opposition to find a joint candidate for the post of president. (The incumbent, low-key physics professor Rexhep Meidani, quietly indicated that he was available, but nobody seemed interested.) The message delivered in public by the European Parliament was also delivered in private by European diplomats; the General Affairs Council expressed the hope that the “presidential election would be conducted in such a manner that would preserve political stability”.

Faced with external pressure as well as the impasse within his own party, Nano finally gave in and on Friday 21 June, three days before the election was due, agreed on a joint candidate with Berisha and duly announced their choice. The lucky man was Artur Kuko, Albania’s Ambassador to the European Union, who is a familiar figure in Brussels since he previously served as Ambassador to NATO during the Kosovo bombing in 1999. Nano and Berisha had however not done their background work. Kuko very much enjoys living in Brussels, is preparing intensively for serious negotiations with the European Union, and therefore declined the offer, causing some embarrassment for the political classes in Tirana.

A substitute candidate was quickly found and duly elected with 97 votes out of 140, well ahead of the 84-vote threshold and with support from both government and opposition. The new President, 74-year-old retired general Alfred Moisiu, had served as defence minister under both communist and anti-communist governments, and is regarded as someone who can revive Albanian’s faltering aspirations of joining NATO in the near future. For the country as a whole, the civilised if not completely transparent conduct of the election is an important milestone.

But the affair also marks an interesting development for the European Union. At the time of the last presidential election in 1997, Albania was emerging from a year long political crisis caused by the hotly disputed parliamentary elections of 1996 and the collapse of the pyramid investment schemes. Europe’s institutions had failed to provide the necessary peace-keeping force, which had eventually been scraped together in a coalition of the willing led by the then Italian Prime Minister, Romano Prodi.

In 2002, the European Parliament, which is far from the most powerful organ of the EU, has successfully intervened twice, once in providing a forum for the resolution of the boycott issue, and a second time in giving an institutional voice to the international pressure to find a single presidential candidate. The last few years have seen significant interventions from the much more visible personality of Javier Solana as the High Representative for foreign policy, notably in Macedonia in 2001 and in brokering the agreement between Serbia and Montenegro in 2002. The Albanian episode shows that less powerful institutions, in a less obvious way, can score their successes as well.

Iceland comes in from the cold?

by Nicholas Whyte and Marius Vahl

(This was originally published by EurActiv on 20 March 2002. In February 2025 Marius Vahl and I requested that it be deleted from the Euractiv site.)

The next application for EU membership may come from a somewhat surprising direction. While the enlargement process understandably focuses on the south and east, things may be stirring on the North-western periphery of the EU. According to a recent opinion poll in Iceland, 91% of Icelanders want its government to initiate negotiations for accession to the EU, up from 68% a few weeks ago.

Things have been stirring for months. There has been a growing disenchantment with the political aspects of the EEA Agreement, which incorporates Iceland, Norway and Liechtenstein into the EU’s internal market without them being members of the EU. In practice this agreement obliges these three countries to adopt the acquis communautaire without however having any influence on its formulation. This ‘democratic deficit’ has prompted Foreign Minister Halldor Asgrimsson to call for an ‘update’ or ‘upgrade’ of the agreement to allow the three EEA states a greater say in the formulation of new rules and policies. This would surely be rejected by the EU, which has neither the time nor the inclination to jeopardise its decision-making autonomy in order to placate countries that are not interested in full EU membership.

Commentators speculate that Mr Asgrimsson’s initiative may be no more than positioning ahead of general elections next year. The current coalition government is dominated by Prime Minster David Oddson, the longest serving prime minister in Europe and an opponent of EU membership for Iceland. Mr Oddson’s centre-right Independence Party is however divided on the issue, and other important parties in Iceland, such as the Progressive Party led by Foreign Minister Asgrimmson appear to be increasingly in favour of negotiating EU accession. Members of the main opposition party, the Social Democrats, are expected to vote in support of a programme calling for EU membership at a party congress later this year. Elections are due before May 2003.

But even if Iceland applies for EU membership, the result is by no means a foregone conclusion. More than for most countries, the outcome of a referendum on membership would depend on the result of negotiations, in particular concerning the fisheries sector. The key concern in Iceland is that it would lose control over its fishery resources, politically the most vital sector of the Icelandic economy, if it has to adopt the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) of the EU. The importance of the negotiation process per se is reflected in the aforementioned poll, where as many as one-third of those calling for membership negotiations are in fact against EU membership for Iceland!

The reform of the CFP due at the end of this year will therefore be pivotal. Hitherto, it has been assumed that Iceland would need an exemption from the CFP in order to vote for EU membership, and that no such exemption is on offer from Brussels. However, Icelanders are becoming increasingly aware of the problems caused by the partial exclusion of fisheries from the EEA agreement. In a speech last week in Berlin, Foreign Minister Asgrimsson claimed that Iceland’s fishery interests could be accommodated with a special Icelandic regime within the CFP, rather than through a permanent exemption from the CFP.

An Icelandic application would also give the EU the opportunity to retreat from one of the more embarrassing sections of the Nice Treaty with dignity. The division of seats in the European Parliament at Nice gave current member states Greece, Belgium and Portugal 22 MEPs each, while the Czech Republic and Hungary, with exactly the same population, were allocated only 20. But the Nice numbers were calculated on the basis of a ceiling of 732 members of European parliament and 27 member states. The four or five additional MEPs who would be allocated to Iceland are enough to take the European Parliament above the threshold set at Nice, which should lead to a recalculation and improved calibration overall.

An Icelandic application for EU membership could also initiate a knock-on effect leading to more applications. The debate on Iceland is watched with some trepidation by the Norwegian government, which consists of both opponents and supporters of EU membership who have agreed to dissolve the government if there is a new debate on EU membership. Looking further afield, Croatia, as the most advanced of the Western Balkan countries, is eagerly awaiting a favourable opportunity to lodge its accession request.

It is improbable that Iceland could apply to the EU in time to conclude negotiations at the same time as the ten states currently expected to join in 2004. More likely an Icelandic application will come after the elections due in May 2003; if the negotiations proceed at the same rapid pace as did the fourth enlargement, Iceland could well be ready for membership before Bulgaria or Romania, and certainly before Turkey.

Icelandic EU membership would also further exacerbate the asymmetries of the multilateral EEA, with potentially only Norway and tiny Liechtenstein left on the EFTA side. This would surely raise further questions about the viability of the complex institutional machinery of the EEA agreement, which is discussed in a recent CEPS report. Under the EEA agreement, Brussels has had a considerable effect on Icelandic life with few institutional consequences for the EU. That may be about to change.

Rescued from a long-dead blog

A dramatic few days.

I spent the weekend in Belfast at MeCon, my first ever science fiction convention. Greatly enjoyed it; long conversations with Scottish socialist author Ken MacLeod, brief hallos with Belfast based author Ian McDonald, which was the aim of the trip. Also made friends with a good group from Dublin led by Pádráig Ó Mealóid. Very much committed now to going to OctoCon in the autumn.

So on Tuesday I opened my email and saw a job advert from ELDR which made me think, hmmm, perhaps I could be persuaded to leave CEPS for the right money; so I forwarded it to Anne. On the way home I was stuck in a traffic jam and pulled out my phone to see if she had got the email, and saw that I had missed a call from a vaguely familiar number a few minutes earlier while I must have been in one of the tunnels. I called back and was answered by Gareth Evans, who basically offered me the job of Director of Balkan Programmes at the International Crisis Group.

After some discussion with him later on, with Anne listening in, we decided to accept. The money is much better than CEPS, and the work at a somewhat more exalted level. So much cause for celebration. Karel and Daniel at CEPS were sad but not really surprised. Michael is in Cyprus and I didn’t manage to talk to him until yesterday (Thursday).

And then the next excitement was the agreement between Serbia and Montenegro. A dubious piece of work, this, with lots of serious questions left unanswered. My NGO friends very upset about it because it looks bad for Djukanovic. My European Commission friends very upset because it looks good for Djukanovic. I think it’ll fall apart before the end of the year, and Djukanovic’s challenge is to make it look like someone selse’s fault.

Weekend! Hurrah!

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Rescued from a long-dead blog

An excellent evening this evening with the Brussels and Luxembourg Lib Dems hosting a dinner with John Alderdice. JA very much feeling at home among Lib Dems of a European bent. He completely won the hearts of those present. I remembered just how exciting it was to work with this man in the mid-1990s. Which makes me realise that it’s over five years now since I left Belfast, and despite the occasional desperate call from University Street I am really not plugged in there any more. When I talked with John Cushnahan the other week about the relative fortunes of SF vs SDLP, he (having left NI in 1989) was sure that Mark Durkan could pull the SDLP round. I (having left in 1997) think they probably can’t. John Alderdice (still living there) is sure they can’t.


The Montenegrin talks troggle on, and I am ready to give an optimistic spin to the final settlement if it deserves it. I emailed Paddy Ashdown, newly appointed High Rep for BiH, about organising a seminar for him at CEPS in the near future; he gave a 70% positive response. Meanwhile I got a distressing email from the Macedonian President asking if I could come to the seminar scheduled in Skopje for 23 March, but on 6 April instead. Since that is the day of Julie and Garth’s wedding I told them I couldn’t. A humble email came back asking if the first or the second weekend in May would suit. Since the Romania conference I thought I was going to this weekend is actually the first weekend of May, I opted for the second.

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Rescued from a long-dead blog

Spent an hour this afternoon delivering anti-spam missives to MEPs with the help of Herman Beun, Lousewies van der Laan’s assistant, who I met for the first time. Last week’s open letter to Solana on Montenegro has certainly increassed our profile on the question, though the entire issue is somewhat cast into the shade by the Milosevic trial. Various calls with colleagues, and with numerous journalists.

The Ant-Men of Tibet and Bridge of Birds both turned out to be excellent buys. Also really enjoyed a novella by Fritz Leiber in the Lovecraft vein that I picked up in Leuven on Saturday. And have been preparing website for inclusion into QUB. Laborious but rewarding.

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Rescued from a long-dead blog

Met this morning with President Djukanovic, in the Plaza Hotel downtown. He seemed in good form, though understandably harassed. He gave me an hour of one-on-one conversation over coffee, with the only others present being his translator, and Slavica and his foreign affairs advisor Milan Rocen on the edges, and some bodyguards. His main concerns were 1) the internal dynamics of the EU encouraging nationalists in CG and Serbia; 2) safeguarding his own economic autonomy and the existing reforms; 3) the unworkability of the institutions of any federation and 4) the sheer cost of Montenegro’s contribution to keeping the Yugoslav army afloat. His determination seemed undiminished.

I told him that his weak spots were the budget deficit, the perception that they were weak on crime, and their lousy press strategy. On the budget he was a bit complacent (as was his Prime Minister when we met in January), on crime he was quite defensive, but claimed they had done a big clean-up and that the EU and Washington had declined his invitations for them to take a stronger role in policing. He took my point on their press strategy. Generally rather thrilling to be able to say this kind of thing to an actual head of an almost-internationally recognised state.

Also Elizabeth Meehan offers me the choice of “Honorary Senior Research fellow” or “Honorary Reader” at her Institute in Belfast, once I transfer the website to their keeping. So that is nice too.

On my way back up the hill from town I picked up “Bridge of Birds”, “The Ant-Men of Tibet” and “Ship of Fools” from Sterling Books. They all three look promising…

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Rescued from a long-dead blog

Spent yesterday in Paris as guest of the WEU Institute of Strategic Studies, who were holding a conference about Albania. Considerable drama in the morning as James Pettifer, well-known Albania expert, walked out rather than share a platform with Misha Glenny. Misha told me about this at breakfast in the hotel; I then bumped into James who said to me that he was leaving, that he and Miranda Vickers and Noel Malcolm all had the policy that would not share a platform with Misha because of his “racialist and chauvinistic views”. Since James Pettifer is the most rabidly pro-Albanian writer I have come across, including any Albanian or Kosovar, it seemed to me completely unjustifiable. Misha of course has his biases, but so do we all, and he certainly doesn’t have Pettifer’s fanatical devotion to one particular ethnic group. As I said to him later, some people – especially those who believe in the myth of a multi-ethnic paradise in pre-war Bosnia – cannot forgive him for writing about the faults of all sides in the Yugoslav war. Nicole Gnesotto, the president of the institute, impressed me by inviting Misha to replace James in making the keynote speech at the conference. Which he did extremely well, though clearly upset by the affair.

Rebecca West wrote sconfully of the late nineteenth century that “English persons, therefore, of humanitarian and reformist disposition constantly went out to the Balkan Peninsula to see who was in fact ill-treating whom, and, being by the very nature of their perfectionist faith unable to accept the horrid hypothesis that everybody was ill-treating everybody else, all came back with a pet Balkan people established in their hearts as suffering and innocent, eternally the massacres and never the massacrer”. She was right. Of course Rebecca West herself then broke her own rules and formed an unbalanced attachment to the Serbs.

Meanwhile the Montenegro story rolls on and on. I found I was getting nowhere with drafting the statement by concerned citizens, and finally Michael got interested and did it for me. We shall therefore try and go somewhere with it next week. A journalist called me on Thursday to say that he had seen a draft constitution for a reformed federation comling out of Solana’s office. I called Solana’s office and found that this was not quite true, but they had been “helping” Belgrade write their proposals. Hmm; secretariat to the Council of Ministers to the European Union, or legal consultants to dodgy Balkan governments?

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Rescued from a long-dead blog

Great fun this morning as we met with Petar, Veselin and Slavica from Montenegro. It seems the EU, or to be precise Solana, has really overreached themselves on this one, to the extent that a journalist tells me the Dutch and Belgians are beginning to doubt if they have taken the right tack. So I am finally drafting a public statement to be signed by various concerned citizens. Tired now though, time to go home.

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Rescued from a long-dead blog

Long time no post. But I should record my visit to Croatia at the weekend for a conference of the European Movement. In a lot of ways I felt like I was returning to the beginning of the cycle of my interest in the Balkans. The Europe House was where Michael Emerson and I gave our first public presentation of CEPS’ work on the Balkans, back in May 1999 (and that was the week that Milosevic was indicted for war crimes, and his trial is now going ahead). I was staying in the Astoria, whose Chinese restaurant was where I went for my first NDI meal with Francesca Binda, after I had arrived to work in Banja Luka in January 1997. And to cap it all as I was leaving I got a lift to the airport, quite unexpectedly, with Koraljka Tomasic, who had first got me interested in the Balkans when we met at a LYMEC conference on using the internet in November 1995.

But the conference itself was a very good event. The headline attractions for the organisers were the Euro-federalist enthusiasts of various European Movement national branches, including Willy de Clercq from Belgium, and Alan Dukes from Ireland. I found the latter very easy to get on with, if anything rather shy, but also friendly in contrast to when I had last encountered him at a British Irish Association conference in 1989, when he was still leader of Fine Gael and I paranoiacally suspected him of chatting up my girlfriend. I was able to bring him greetings from John Cushnahan who I had bumped into on Wednesday night at the opening of the Northern Ireland Executive’s office in Brussels.

I also renewed contact with Erhard Busek and Janez Potocnik, and met for the first time Jacques Paul Kein. But I particularly got on with Andrew Hardie and Kate Lane, a British couple on the verge of getting married; Andrew perhaps in his mid forties, Kate in her mid twenties, but obviously devoted to each other and very sweet.

Read Kissing the Beehive by Jonathan Carroll, and Impakto by Richard Calder, and to be honest not especially impressed by either. Things Unborn by Eugene Byrne a different matter though, an audacious alternate history where the Cuban Missile Crisis became a nuclear war and the dead are returning to life.

Meanwhile in Montenegro the expert teams were in Brussels yesterday to meet with the EU, and after some manoeuvring my colleague was able to get in on one of the meetings. They will give me their debriefings first thing this morning (Tuesday). But it is very late now and I must go back to bed.

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Rescued from a long-dead blog

A fascinating day yesterday in Podgorica. Met with Prime Minister, Foreign Minister and all three “expert teams” participating in the negotiations with Belgrade. This especially impressive as it was not only Sunday but also Christmas Eve in the Orthodox calendar.

EU seems to have badly screwed up by giving impression that it backs Belgrade no matter what. FRY/Serbia/SNP side therefore not inclined to actually negotiate with Montenegrins, and the converse also applies. EU not actually contributing to negotiations in any sensible way, certainly not to event hint they might provide the support necessary to prop up the preferred federal solution. My role was basically to reassure the Montenegrins that they had quite a good case and to offer a couple of suggestions about future tactics. They seemed grateful.

The ODIHR report on the Montenegrins’ draft election law is scandalously one-sided. Vague references to “best international practice” on qualified majorities and turnout thresholds in referenda, citing an obsolete provision of Danish law and various non-sovereign Pacific island instances. It’s obvious (but unstated by ODIHR) that the most relevant parallels are the post-Badinter referenda in the other ex-Yugoslav states, and the 1999 referendum in East Timor, which was also on its continuous membership of a federal state. Neither of these cases required a qualified majority. I bet none of the other recent cases examined by ODIHR did so either. The Montenegrins are moderately enthusiastic about the possibility of a multi-option referendum but I don’t see how this could possibly work. One anti-independence activist from the People’s Party wanted a qualified majority so that we could be sure that “real Montenegrins” backed independence. You might as well just deprive Muslims of the vote.

Also bumped into old friends. Podgorica was fairly empty in the afternoon as most of the population went up to Cetinje to dedicate their tree branches, some at the Serbian Orthodox church, more at the Montenegrin royal residence. I didn’t get out of Podgorica but had superb views of stunning scenery from plane both on arrival and on departure. Journey back via Zurich and Frankfurt tedious especially since a litre bottle of Vranac broke in my bag soaking clothes with aromatic red wine… Had bizarre phone call with journalist in Frankfurt airport, but also bought what appears to be excellent book on organising one’s work.

Back to work tomorrow.

Rescued from a long-dead blog

Am off to Montenegro tomorrow to advise them on their future status negotiations with Belgrade. The call from Slavica arrived yesterday just before Anne’s parents; Anne and I went into CEPS this afternoon for me to print out some Montenegro/FRY reading material and also incidentally to finalise the sale of our house in North Belfast by fax with our solicitor.

The EU’s diplomatic intervention in FRY appears to be disastrously badly aimed. Rather than acting as honest brokers to ensure a soft landing for whatever solution is worked out between Podgorica and Belgrade, they are trying desperately to hold together a federation which even the Serbs don’t want on the present terms. This will strengthen Kostunica, Bulatovic and Soc in the respective internal political struggles against a) Djindjic and other relatively good guys in Belgrade, and b) Djukanovic and his multi-ethnic coalition. The smearing of Djukanovic (using Italian courts and Croatian press) as a smuggler is pathetic; it’s not as if he is the only politician in the region whose past is not beyond question, and it’s quite obvious to me at any rate that the potential replacements for him in Montenegro are bad news.

As for the eventual set of relationships, it’s clear to me (and indeed seems to have become clear to the Serbs back in October) that a two-member federation is an exceptionally unstable set-up. I don’t go all the way wth the Montenegrins – I think it could become viable if given enough outside support. But the only players who actually have both the incentive and the resources to keep such an arrangement going are the US and EU (and to an extent Russia). And at the moment I don’t see them offering enough to the Serbs, let alone to the Montenegrins, to make the continuation of Yugoslavia a worthwhile prospect.

And to be honest I think the international community overrates the importance of preventing Montenegro’s secession in terms of the destabilising effect on the region. Djukanovic has been arguing in every capital he can reach that Montenegro is a special case with no consequences for Kosovo, Western Macedonia or the Republika Srpska. In terms of international law (which I don’t really rate as a useful concept anyway) he is undoubtedly right.

Time for bed.

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Rescued from a long-dead blog

Today’s culinary success: cooking 1.3 kilos of wild boar in the microwave. Our ordinary oven is pretty unreliable, but I was able to improvise using a recipe for cooking gammon steak. After ten minutes on full power, and forty on half power, it was well cooked but swimming in gravy. Not crispy, of course, but very tasy indeed. So we have enough left over for tomorrow and Christmas day, and then once Catherine arrives on Christmas evening we can go vegetarian for a few days.

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Rescued from a long-dead blog

Today’s superb TV programme: Omnibus on BBC2, talking about Tolkien. I have to confess I was moved to tears by a) the archive film of the man himself talking about his writing; b) Terry Pratchett talking about his influence and c) Rayner Unwin, reminiscing about how as a ten-year-old he had reviewed “The Hobbit” for his father, and recommended publication. Also to an extent reflecting on Mordor and the places in the former Yugoslavia which are, or have been, close to it.

However I was not so convinced by the programme’s central premise, that Tolkien was trying to create a “mythology for England”. I think Gene Wolfe is much nearer to the mark in this month’s Interzone, where he reflects on Tolkien’s fascination with the purer, simpler times of the Middle Ages, and his revulsion againste the chaos of the twentieth century.

“We might have a society in which the laws were few and just… we would also have a society in which the lack of wealth was not reason for resentment but a spur to ambition, and in which wealth was not a cause for self-indulgence but a call to service. We had it once, and some time in this third millennium we shall have it again; and if we forget to thank John Ronald Reuel Tolkien for it when we get it, we will already have begun the slow and not always unpleasant return to Mordor.”

Wolfe almost portrays Tolkien as a conservative and almost makes it look as if he is one too; but he leaves enough wiggle room that I’m not inclined to disagree with him. I think it’s significant that Wolfe, like Tolkien, is a practising Catholic, the most prominent Catholic currently in the sf field.

Good to hear that the Encyclopedia of Science Fiction is heading for a third edition, and interesting that Dave Langford will join John Clute on the editorial team…

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Rescued from a long-dead blog

Today’s internet activism 1: Goading euro-sceptics on talk.politics.european-union.

Today’s internet activism 2: fine-tuning our anti-spam literature for MEPs in an email to George Mills.

Today’s real-life activism: Slavica Milacic called from Montenegro. I’d seen in B92 that she is part of the Montenegrin negotiating team for the EU-brokered talks with Belgrade. She invited me to come and do some work with the team over the first weekend in January; sounds like a fine idea to me, since I’ve never been to Montenegro.

Today at work: finishing Europa South-East Monitor, bits and pieces of website.

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Justice for All

(This was originally published by EurActiv, now Rapporteur, on 2 July 2001. In February 2025 I requested that it be deleted from the Euractiv site.)

The extradition of former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic to the Hague on 28 June – the anniversary both of the battle of Kosovo in 1389 and of the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in 1914 – is a historical turning point not only for Serbia but for the international community as a whole. 

For Serbia, it puts a full stop to the downfall of the Milosevic regime. The arrest and extradition of Milosevic’s co-defendants, who include the current President of Serbia, can now be only a matter of time. The removal of the worst of the old regime, combined with the discrediting of their policies as the truth gradually emerges, will aid the rehabilitation of a healthy Serbian society, ready to become a positive centre of gravity in its region.

The turmoil that Milosevic’s extradition caused in the Yugoslav government will expose the remaining institutions of the FRY. Leaders in both Serbia and Montenegro appear to be drifting towards an accommodation; if the Yugoslav institutions are unworkable and unnecessary; it may prove as easy to dispense with them. In late 2000, moderates in Serbia suddenly became less enthusiastic about the Federal Republic when it became clear that they would have to work with Milosevic’s former allies in Montenegro. The latter now realise that the cost of power in Yugoslavia is that they will have to accept the dominance of the Serbian moderates’ political agenda. This may in the end be too high a price to pay.

For the Republika Srpska in Bosnia, it is clear that the net must now also close on the key indictees for war crimes from the 1992-95 period. This will strengthen the entity’s institutions of government, which have remained vulnerable to the forces of atavistic nationalism even under the leadership of committed reformers. This in turn will give the Dayton institutions of government a fair test in what can almost be called “normal” conditions. 

For Croatia the consequences could be troubling. The government, which lost one of its six coalition partners recently, feels under pressure from the right-wing supporters of the late President Tudjman. So far the Hague tribunal has issued no indictments for Croatian army war crimes during or after the recapture of Serb occupied territories in 1995, but it is known to be investigating. The trial in a domestic court of a Croatian general for war crimes in 1991 is already proving controversial; indictments from the Hague for the 1995 events will add further strains.

Most of all, the extradition of Milosevic is a tremendous boost for the planned International Criminal Court. It means that the practitioners of statecraft in all countries in the future can expect to be held to higher standards than has been the case in the past. The strengthening of the concept of justice in international relations will be unwelcome to rulers who expected to remain unaccountable for their actions. Their loss; a gain for the rest of us.

The EU and Macedonia

(This was originally published by EurActiv, now Rapporteur, on 6 April 2001. In February 2025 I requested that it be deleted from the Euractiv site.)

The small country’s second city, far off in its northwestern corner, is a stronghold of its minority population. Cut off from their ethnic kin across the border at the beginning of the twentieth century by the arbitrary decisions of an international treaty, they have not found it easy to participate in the new state. Their grievances include high unemployment, the funding of the university that they believe their city should rightfully have, and vivid memories of civilians who were shot dead by security forces in bitterly disputed circumstances. 

This city has two names, Derry and Londonderry. In 1984, a junior British Minister had to decide which name could be used by the City Council, a decision as important and as symbolic as deciding which flag should fly on the town hall. Historically the official name was Londonderry, and Protestants demanded that this name be kept as a reminder of their cultural heritage. However the Minister decided, after much reflection, to change the official name of the city to Derry, the name used by the majority of its population. 

This British Minister has moved on to other things. His name is Chris Patten, and he is now the European Union’s Commissioner for External Relations. However, anyone who wants to understand the EU’s approach to the problems of Macedonia should begin by examining what the EU’s member states have done in their own territories. Patten has personal experience of both Ireland and Hong Kong. Javier Solana, the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Policy, has personal experience of a transition to democracy and the problems of dealing with Basque and Catalonian demands for autonomy in his own country. Their personal experiences are the background against which EU policy is formed.

For Macedonia, this is no bad thing. Some outsiders – particularly those journalists who like dramatic stories of conflict, blood and ancient hatred- automatically assume that any armed insurgents must have the majority of the population on their side. However, both Patten and Solana know that the IRA’s violence never had the support of a majority of Catholics in Northern Ireland, and that ETA has never had the support of a majority of Basques in Spain. On the other hand, both have experience of the negotiations that are necessary to reconcile the ambitions of different parts of a divided country; how to satisfy the reasonable demands of a minority population without sacrificing the rule of law and the confidence of the majority. 

Both men know that it is not an easy process, and neither is keen to make any specific demands for reforms from the Macedonian government apart from setting up some more visible process of national dialogue than has hitherto existed. Neither Patten nor Solana will want to see the political representatives of any terrorist group brought into the official negotiation process, while violence continues. And even in the event of a ceasefire, they will be sympathetic – perhaps even too sympathetic – to Macedonian reluctance to talk to people who have recently been using guns rather than words.

Both men also know that an excessive government reaction against terrorism can be counterproductive. Solana’s party lost office in 1996 when the truth emerged about the anti-terrorist militias which it had sponsored to act against ETA ten years before. Bloody Sunday, when 14 civilians in Derry were killed by British soldiers in 1972, is still a live issue in Northern Ireland. When the EU and NATO urge restraint on the Macedonian government, it is because they have learned their own lessons the hard way.

Britain and Spain are old powers, which have lost their empires but are adapting to a European future. Their borders with their neighbours are not an issue to get excited about. Their internal organisation of course can always be reformed, but this does not mean that the country will cease to exist. Autonomy for Scotland, Wales, Catalunya or Euskadi is not the end of the United Kingdom or of Spain. The use of Welsh, Gaelic, Catalan or Basque may irritate those who prefer English or Spanish, but it is generally accepted that people have a right to their own official language in their own communities.

Therefore, neither Patten nor Solana understands the insecurity within Macedonia about the country’s very existence. There is no sensitivity in Brussels to the perception in South-Eastern Europe that borders have been changed arbitrarily in the recent past and, that this could easily happen again. When the British Foreign Secretary says, “It is time that we asserted that the borders within the region are inviolable and cannot be changed by violence,” he does not mean that the policy should be changed, he means that what seems to him a self-evident truth should be stated again for those who don’t seem to believe it. 

The signing of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement on 9 April is therefore significant because it shows that the EU accepts Macedonia, within its current borders, as an associated state, with all the mechanisms that applied with the Europe Agreements, updated to account for ten years of experience and of evolution in the EU’s structures. The Agreement also includes some pointers towards the sorts of regional cooperation that are expected of Macedonia and of the other countries in the Western Balkans, which are not much more substantive than the existing provisions of the Stability Pact.

It is also a signal that the EU accepts Macedonia as a future member. Not too quickly, though. It is now accepted in the EU that the next enlargement will include several Central European countries and will take place before 2005, maybe even in 2003. There is a reluctance to give commitments on imminent membership to any other countries, really because the EU does not completely trust in the competence of its own structures to cope with the burdens of Eastern Europe. In the fourth century, St Augustine famously wanted to become virtuous, “but not just yet”. Similarly the EU wants to include the Western Balkans, “but not just yet”. 

The present policy is thus to allow Macedonia to join the regatta of countries in the queue for EU membership at some time in the next ten, twenty, thirty years. This is all very well, but is it imaginative enough? It may sound convincing on the Rue de la Loi in Brussels; but the people who need to be reassured of their European destiny are those who live in Gostivar, Prizren, Korce, Prijepolje, Bjelovar and Bijeljina. When they have time to do so, Patten and Solana should reflect on the positive contribution of the European dimension in managing the problems of their own countries, and they should begin to think of how they can further accelerate the European integration of the Balkans. Full membership of the EU or NATO for Macedonia is a very long way off. We may not have the luxury of waiting.