Monthly Archives: August 2014

Wednesday reading

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Current
Tomb of Valdemar, by Simon Messingham
The Long Earth, by Terry Pratchett and Stephen Baxter
The Life of John Buncle, Esq: Containing Various Observations and Reflections, Made in Several Parts of the World, and Many Extraordinary Relations, v. 2 by Thomas Amory

Last books finished
μ1
The Adventures of Tom Sawyer, by Mark Twain
With The Light… vol 7, by Keiko Tobe
Vernon God Little, by DBC Pierre
The Life of John Buncle, Esq: Containing Various Observations and Reflections, Made in Several Parts of the World, and Many Extraordinary Relations, v. 1, by Thomas Amory

Last week’s audios
[Bernice Summerfield] The Lights of Skaro, by James Goss

Next books
Brontomek!, by Michael Coney
A Guide to Tolkien, by David Day
Zorba the Greek, by Nikos Kazantzakis
[Doctor Who] Bad Therapy, by Matthew Jones

Books acquired in last week
[Doctor Who] Engines of War, by George Mann
Tomb Travel, by Harry Welsh
Elizabeth’s Bedfellows: An Intimate History of the Queen’s Court, by Anna Whitelock
The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon
Saga Volume 3, by Brian K Vaughan and Fiona Staples
The Case of Charles Dexter Ward, by H.P. Lovecraft and Ian Culbard
Tweaking The Tail: The Autobiography of John Leeson
How To Train Your Dragon: A Hero’s Guide to Deadly Dragons, by Cressida Cowell
How To Train Your Dragon: How to Betray a Dragon’s Hero, by Cressida Cowell
How To Train Your Dragon: How to Ride a Dragon’s Storm, by Cressida Cowell
How To Train Your Dragon: How to Steal a Dragon’s Sword, by Cressida Cowell

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Links I found interesting for 04-08-2014

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Links I found interesting for 03-08-2014

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Asquith’s notes, 2 August 1914 (end of this series)

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Things are pretty black. Germany is now in active war with both Russia and France and the Germans have violated the neutrality of Luxembourg. We are waiting to know whether they are going to do the same with Belgium. I had a visit at breakfast from Lichnowsky, who was very émotionné and implored me not to side with France. He said that Germany, with her army cut in two between France and Russia, was far more likely to be crushed than France. He was very agitated, poor man, and wept. I told him that we had no desire to intervene, and that it rested largely with Germany to make intervention impossible if she would (1) not invade Belgium and (2) not send her fleet into the Channel to attack the unprotected north coast of France. He was bitter about the policy of his Government in not restraining Austria and seemed quite heart-broken.
        
Then we had a long Cabinet from 11 till nearly 2, which very soon revealed that we are on the brink of a split. We agreed at last with some difficulty that Grey should be authorized to tell Cambon that our fleet would not allow the German fleet to make the Channel a base of hostile operations. John Burns at once resigned, but was persuaded to hold on at any rate till the evening when we meet again. There is a strong party against any kind of intervention in any event. Grey, of course, will never consent to this and I shall not separate myself from him. Crewe, McKenna and Samuel are a modifying intermediate body. Bonar Law writes that the Opposition will back us up in any measure we may take for the support of France and Russia. I suppose a good number of our own party in the House of Commons are for absolute non-interference. It will be a shocking thing if at such a moment we break up.
        
Happily I am quite clear in my own mind as to what is right and what is wrong. (1) We have no obligation of any kind either to France or Russia to give them military or naval help. (2) The dispatch of the Expeditionary Force to help France at this moment is out of the question and would serve no object. (3) We must not forget the ties created by our long-standing and intimate friendship with France. (4) It is against British interests that France should be wiped out as a Great Power. (5) We cannot allow Germany to use the Channel as a hostile base. (6) We have obligations to Belgium to prevent it being utilized and absorbed by Germany.

[These posts were a series of extracts from the first chapter of the second volume of Extracts from Memories and Reflections, 1852-1927, by the Earl of Oxford and Asquith, K.G. (1928), and we have now reached the end of it. Asquith describes the material as follows: “I have not myself, except for a brief period, kept what is technically called a “Diary”, but I have been in the habit of jotting down irregularly my impressions of noteworthy persons and incidents while they were still fresh in my memory. I believe this to be an innocent and even a useful practice, for though I have on the whole a serviceable working memory; experience has shown me that no faculty is more subject to lapses, particularly when it is a question of preserving the ipsissima verba of a conversation. For the period I now approach I have drawn freely upon such of these contemporary notes as were accessible, and also upon letters to a few intimate friends, which they have been good enough to place at my disposal.” Most of the material is apparently from his correspondence with Venetia Stanley.]

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Asquith’s notes, 1 August 1914

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When most of them had left, Sir W. Tyrrell arrived with a long message from Berlin to the effect that the German Ambassador’s efforts for peace had been suddenly arrested and frustrated by the Tsar’s decree for a complete Russian mobilisation. We all set to work, Tyrrell, Bongie [Sir Maurice Bonham Carter, the author’s private secretary – HHA], [Eric] Drummond and myself, to draft a direct personal appeal from the King to the Tsar. When we had settled it I called a taxi, and, in company with Tyrell, drove to Buckingham Palace at about 1.30 a.m. The King was hauled out of his bed, and one of my strangest experiences was sitting with him, clad in a dressing gown, while I read the message and the proposed answer.

There was really no fresh news this morning. Lloyd George, all for peace, is more sensible and statesmanlike for keeping the position still open. Grey declares that if an out-and-out and uncompromising policy of non-intervention at all costs is adopted he will go. Winston [Churchill] very bellicose and demanding immediate mobilization. The main controversy pivots upon Belgium and its neutrality. We parted in fairly amicable mood and are to sit again at 11 o’clock tomorrow, Sunday. I am still not quite hopeless about peace, though far from hopeful, but if it comes to war I feel sure that we shall have a split in the Cabinet. Of course if Grey went I should go and the whole thing would break up. On the other hand, we may have to contemplate, with such equanimity as we can command, the loss of [Viscount (John)] Morley and possibly, though I do not think it, of [Sir John]Simon.

[See also Economist article of this date: http://www.economist.com/node/21608276]

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